Balochistan before 1933, was divided into four loose parts: the British Chief Commissioner’s Province in the north and west, princely state of Kalat bordering Sindh, subsidiary states of Las Bela and Kharan, and the district of Makran. [1]
Ahmed Yar Khan became the ruler of Kalat in 1933 having to share power with Bugti and Marri tribal regions. He requested the British for more power over not only them but Kharan, Las Bela, Quetta, Nushki etc.
A series of concessions from the British government ensued, culminating in the government deciding that Las Bela and Kharan were under formal suzerainty of Kalat. However, Ahmed Yar’s request that Kalat be treated as a non-Indian state was rejected by an official investigation. [2] It concluded that Kalat had been an Indian princely state since 1877. [3]
Political organization began in the 1930s in Balochistan. Since Kalat was the most developed, the first party, Kalat State National Party was formed as well as the Congress branch ‘Anjuman-e-Watan’. Baloch Muslim League was formed later on as well.
The Balochistan Muslim League remained idle, gaining popularity only when Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan took personal interest and visited, both promising political reforms, an anathema to Baloch sardars. [4] However, after 1945, the League intensified its efforts in Balochistan, [5] leading to the local party gaining ascendancy over the Congress’ Anjuman-e-Watan in terms of public support. [6]
Congress started propagating the Pashtun-Baloch rivalry [5] as well as separatist sentiments [6] knowing full well Balochistan would not choose India and also because Pakistan was in between geographically.
For the upcoming vote, Jinnah requested the general public be allowed to vote rather than the limited electorate of the Shahi Jirga but it was refused by the British. [7]
Muslim League tried its best to convince the Shahi Jirga to vote for Pakistan on 30th June 1947. This and the overwhelming public support for Pakistan convinced the Jirga to vote for Pakistan resulting in more than 40 votes in favor while the Congress got 10 out of 65 votes. [5][8][9]
This put Ahmed Yar Khan in a tough place. He wanted Kalat to be simultaneously considered a non-Indian state and also keep hold of leased states of Kharan and Las Bela. The British told him that if he wanted to keep Las Bela and Kharan, he had to accept Kalat as a princely state under India. If he wanted independence, he would lose Kharan and Las Bela. [10]
Why did Ahmed Yar Khan choose this unique stance between India and Pakistan? He wanted to avoid a genuine political struggle in Kalat which was inevitable under Muslim League or Congress. Jinnah played the trump card and recognized Kalat as a non-Indian independent state on 11th August 1947 via a communique leading to Khan of Kalat declaring independence a few days later.
However, Mountbatten did not sign this communique. This meant that Jinnah’s plan worked as neither India, nor Mountbatten agreed to Kalat’s independence. The signing of the communique by Jinnah three days before Pakistan’s own independence meant that it had no authority as Jinnah on 11th August held no such authority. [11]
This had forced the Khan of Kalat to pick a side and he picked independence thereby losing all legitimacy over Kharan and Las Bela. Pakistan did nothing illegal, since every princely state did, in effect, become independent after the British left. [12]
This left Khan of Kalat in a power struggle with Baloch-Brahui confederacy of Kalat, Las Bela and Kharan. Pakistan exploited this in the talks with Khan of Kalat that began in September 1947 and now demanded that Khan of Kalat accede to Pakistan like all other princely states. [13]
Remember that the people were already in favor of Pakistan. Nawabzada Aslam Khan states that “if he [Ahmed Yar Khan] did not [accede] his sardars would force him out as they were determined to join Pakistan”. [14] However his opinion does not hold much weight because some sardars like Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo were against accession to Pakistan.
Khan of Kalat had also developed a ‘parliament’ in October 1947. This was an undemocratic extension of his autocracy as it only featured the unelected sardars. Since neither Kalat nor the parliament were recognized as an independent state and a democratic institution respectively they held no authority to speak on behalf of Baloch people.
However, Lasbela and Kharan now wanted to accede to Pakistan and were rejecting Kalat’s authority. This was ignored by Pakistan’s government because discussions were still going on with Khan of Kalat. [15] Soon the district of Makran also joined them in their demands to accede to Pakistan [16].
Pakistan eventually relented on 17th March 1948 and let Makran, Las Bela and Kharan accede to Pakistan. [17] [18] Bangash says in an Express Tribune article that these states were ‘bought’ by Pakistan but he does not provide any evidence for it. Upon research one can find that this is based on myths perpetuated by Baloch separatists.
The accession of these states meant that Kalat was landlocked. In retaliation Khan of Kalat stopped providing Makran Levy Corps with food supplies leading them to near starvation. [19] Before Pakistani forces could move in to aid them, All-India Radio announced the fake news of Khan of Kalat acceding to India. [20]
Khan of Kalat knew the game was up. He announced accession to Pakistan the very same day on 27th March 1948. [20] He also said that his decision was made in fear of Pakistan being under an existential threat. [21]. Bangash claims in his Tribune article that Khan of Kalat signed it under military pressure, but he has not provided any evidence for it, nor does any other historian concur with him.
His younger brother Prince Abdul Karim started an armed revolt in July 1948 against Pakistan. He fled to Afghanistan and surrendered in 1950. Nawab Nauroz Khan started a similar revolt in 1958 against Bogra’s One Unit policy but he too lost the battle. Both insurgencies lacked support from general Baloch public. [22]
Two more period of wars happened after these two. Currently, the top organization Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) is labeled as a terrorist by several countries including Pakistan and UK. However, some among the Pakistani intellectual circle unfortunately continue to justify BLA’s actions based on concocted history of an ‘Independent Balochistan’, and continue to court BLA supporters and sympathizers such as M. Ali Talpur.
Pakistani public should decide if they are on the side of authentic history or half-truths perpetuated by supporters and apologists of BLA terrorists.
References:
[1] Yaqoob Khan Bangash, “A Princely Affair: The Accession and Integration of the Princely States of Pakistan, 1947-1955”, pp-156.
[2] Ibid. pp-159.
[3] Ibid. pp-161.
[4] Ian Talbot, “Provincial Politics and the Pakistan Movement”, pp-118.
[5] Ibid. pp-119.
[6] Iqbal Chawla, “Prelude to the Accession of the Kalat State to Pakistan in 1948: An Appraisal”, Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan, Vol: 49: pp. 84.
[7] Ian Talbot, “Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah papers. Pakistan in the making, 3 June–30 June 1947. First series. Vol. II. Edited by Z. H. Zaidi. (Quaid-i-Azam Papers Project) pp. cxii, 992 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, pp-443-444.
[8] Inamul Haq Kausar, “Pakistan Resolution and Balochistan”. Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society. Vol 41, pp. 393–394.
[9] Inamul Haq Kausar, “Pakistan Resolution and Balochistan”. Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society. Vol 41, pp. 382.
[10] Yaqoob Khan Bangash, “A Princely Affair: The Accession and Integration of the Princely States of Pakistan, 1947-1955”, pp-192.
[11] Ibid. pp-167.
[12] Ibid. pp-169.
[13] Ibid. pp-170.
[14] Ibid. pp-171.
[15] Ibid. pp-185.
[16] Inayatullah Baloch, “The Problem of “Greater Baluchistan”: A Study of Baluch Nationalism”, pp. 186
[17] Yaqoob Khan Bangash’s essay “Constitutional integration of the princely states of Pakistan”, in Long, Talbot, Singh, Samad’s State and Nation-Building in Pakistan: Beyond Islam and Security, pp. 82
[18] Dushka Saiyid, “The Accession of Kalat: Myth and Reality”, Strategic Studies. Vol 26
[19] Martin Axmann, “Back to the Future: The Khanate of Kalat and the Genesis of Baloch Nationalism, 1915-1955”, pp. 243.
[20] Najib Alvi, “Enigmas of Baluchistan from non-provincial to provincial status reaction and response of Baloch nationalists 1947-1970”, Journal of the Punjab University Historical Society. Vol 2, pp. 147.
[21] Martin Axmann, “Back to the Future: The Khanate of Kalat and the Genesis of Baloch Nationalism, 1915-1955”, pp. 233.
[22] Farhan Hanif Siddiqi, “The Politics of Ethnicity in Pakistan: The Baloch, Sindhi and Mohajir Ethnic Movements”, pp.71.
About the Author:
Meraj Hasan is a researcher of history with a focus on Partition of India. He tweets at @_merajhasan
Pakistani Bibliophiles 
Thanks for sharing this sir.
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