In early 1968, Home Department of Pakistan revealed that a conspiracy had been unearthed in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) that sought to destabilize Pakistan and break the Eastern wing through an armed revolt.
This was a result of an investigation done in mid-1966 by Colonel Muhammad Amir Khan of Pakistan’s ISI after the plot was discovered by Lieutenant Colonel Shamsul Alam (also of ISI). [1] While initially the East Pakistani press was very vocal against the conspiracy, when Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman’s name was included in the published list of conspirators that the press started demanding an open trail for him. Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman, the father of modern Bangladesh who would gain independence from Pakistan three years later, was once a student worker in Pakistan’s own independence movement from British India. Before one delves into the details of the plot, it is important to understand the historical context of Bengali separatism so that one can observe the political atmosphere of the time.
Bengali vs Pakistani Nationalism
Bangladesh and Pakistan have a distance of nearly 2000 km between them. While Bengali language enjoyed dominance in Bengal, there was no dominant language in the area that later became Pakistan. The Muslim League, which fought and won Pakistan from the British, had powerful support from Bengal. It was the ‘Lion of Bengal’, A.K. Fazl ul Haq who gave the historic Pakistan Resolution on 23rd March 1940. Yet it became clear by 1946, that a significant portion of Bengalis would prefer two separate Muslim homelands, instead of just one single Pakistan. [2] However, the Muslim League was pushed into a corner by the Congress who demanded Partition of Bengal so as to take the main port city of Calcutta. [3] With the British accepting the Congress demand, for Muslim League it was either this or losing Pakistan altogether. The Muslim League countered by having a single Pakistan demand, despite Pakistan’s founder M.A. Jinnah and first Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan having no objections to a separate Bengali Muslim country, to put more power in their combined voice. [2] Therefore Pakistan was created with two non-contiguous wings.
Immediately, a controversy rose when Jinnah announced Urdu to be state language of both wings. Urdu, spoken by a very small population, was seen as a symbol of distinction from Hindi. It was also a symbol of unity of Pakistan during the pre-independence era. However, the Bengalis wanted Bengali to be state language given that they were a majority in population. Protests ensued in the Eastern wing and in 1956, Bengali and Urdu were both declared state languages. This was continued in the martial law of Ayub Khan and subsequent dictatorship. [4]
Soon after independence in 1947, Pakistan and India locked horns in a war over Kashmir. This, combined with an over-strengthed unelected bureaucracy, the lack of political leadership of Muslim League to unite center and provinces, non-payment of Rs. 55 crore of Pakistan’s share of post-partition finances by India [5], unjust distribution of resources by British between Pakistan and India, led to an inflated defence budget of Pakistan which was collected by the center through squeezing the provinces. [6] This, and other unpopular policies like One Unit, resulted in a perpetual imbalance of power between Eastern and Western wings.
The Conspiracy
Up until 1962, Bengali grievances had not yet turned into separatism. Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman, who had actively taken part in the Language Movement, became one of East Pakistan’s top leaders after the deaths of two political giants A.K. Fazlul Haq (in 1962) and Hussein Shaheed Suhrawardy (in 1963). In 1966 it was unearthed that Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman was one of the top conspirators in a plot to separate the Eastern wing from Pakistan via armed revolt with the help of Indian government. It is well-established in history that the meetings did take place in Agartala, a city in Eastern India, in 1962 and continued till 1967. Professor Ian Talbot has confirmed this in his book “Pakistan: A Modern History” [7], Subir Bhaumik in his book “The Agartala Doctrine” [8] and Mujib himself and Indian authorities after creation of Bangladesh. [9]
The Ayub government arrested Mujib along with 1500 other Bengalis. But Mujib and only 35 others were charged with the conspiracy.
State vs. Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman and others
The Pakistani state had very strong witnesses against Mujib in the open trial. [10] However, they testified in court that that they had been coerced to give those testimonies. [11] Some even broke down in tears in the court alleging torture. Bhashani, another prominent Bengali leader, had been leading the agitation against the case which the Bengali public now perceived as a conspiracy against Mujib to label him an Indian agent.
The reason for these opposing perceptions among the East and West Pakistanis can be traced to Ayub Khan government’s (under pressure since 1965 due to civil unrest) succumbing to the demand to give Mujib an open trial. This gave him a platform to amplify his political agenda increasing his supporters exponentially. The retraction of testimonies by the other co-conspirators, sympathy generated by their tears, the lethargy of state institutions and Ayub Khan’s wish to get re-elected in upcoming elections led the state to throw out the case and release Mujib. He was given a hero’s reception and named ‘Bangabandhu’ (“Friend of the Bengal”). Abdul Hafeez Kardar of the Pakistan People’s Party stated: ‘Ayub made a martyr of Mujib by insinuating the Agartala conspiracy.’[12]
Confession
For decades, Agartala Conspiracy was deemed as an elaborate plot by Ayub’s regime to demonize Mujib and East Pakistani politics. This was taught even in Bangladeshi schools. Professor Talbot stated in his 1998 book:
“The Agartala contacts however did not provide solid evidence of a Mujib-India secessionist conspiracy in East Pakistan, and in its absence the accusations were to prove extremely counterproductive given the prevailing political atmosphere.” [7]
It was in 2010 when surviving conspirator and Deputy Speaker of the Bangladesh Parliament, Shawkat Ali, confessed that the Agartala Conspiracy was true. He stated that part of the plan, called as “the Agartala Plot”, had navy steward Mujibur Rahman and educationist Mohammad Ali Reza going to Agartala to seek the Indian support for Bangladesh’s independence. [13] He repeated the statement again in 2011 when he stated: “The charges against us read out on the first day of hearing in the case were absolutely right. We formed a Sangram Parishad led by Bangabandhu to free East Pakistan through armed protest.” [14] Senior Awami League leader Tufail Ahmed stated on the same day that the country would not be independent if the case had not been filed. [14]
Conclusion
Finding the truth from the past is a complex matter. However, when one looks at who is stating the truth rather than judge the truth on its merits, then cases like Agartala Conspiracy occur where the State’s version of events is dismissed only because it is produced by the State. Secessionist movements that employ armed revolt by enlisting help of foreign powers, may get independence but it is always at a great loss of human life. The establishment always protects its interests and destroys the land before handing it over, if it hands over at all. It is only political secessionist movements like Pakistan Movement that win freedom without massive loss of life.
References:
[1] Lt. Gen (r) Kamal Matinuddin, “The Tragedy of Great Errors: East Pakistan Crisis”, pp. 276-277.
[2] Stanley Wolpert, “Jinnah of Pakistan”, p. 323.
[3] Ibid. p. 318
[4] Richard D. Lambert, “Factors in Bengali Regionalism in Pakistan”, Far Eastern Survey, Institute of Pacific Relations. pp. 49–58.
[5] Stanley Wolpert, “Jinnah of Pakistan”, p. 344.
[6] Ayesha Jalal, “Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia”, pp. 22-23.
[7] Ian Talbot, “Pakistan: A Modern History”, p. 190.
[8] Subir Bhaumik, “The Agartala Doctrine”, p.13.
[9] Richard Sisson, Leo E. Rose, “War and Secession: Pakistan, India and the creation of Bangladesh”, p.42.
[10] Rana Rehman Zafar, “Mashriqi Pakistani ke alehdagee ke Dardnaak kahani”, p. 50.
[11] Shahida Begum, “Agartala Conspiracy Case”, in Sirajul Islam; Ahmed A. Jamal (editors), Banglapedia: National Encyclopedia of Bangladesh (2nd edition), Asiatic Society of Bangladesh.
[12] Abdul Hafeez Kardar, “Pakistan’s Soldiers of Fortune”, p. 133.
[13] https://www.thedailystar.net/news-detail-142345
[14] https://web.archive.org/web/20120319055449/http://www.bdnews24.com/details.php?id=188118&cid=2
About the Author
Meraj Hasan is an independent researcher. He tweets at @_merajhasan.
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